“This is a society in which no single caste can be dominant and the source of any kind of power will have to be some form of multi caste alliance,” political theorist K Raghavendra Rao noted about Karnataka in the 1983 book Shift in Indian Politics.
The book came at a time after the Congress Chief Minister Devaraj Urs (1972-1980) upended a traditional power alliance between dominant castes in the state — Lingayats, Vokkaligas, and Brahmins — and established a Congress base among the backward castes (OBCs), Scheduled Caste (SC) groups, and Muslims.
While the Congress’s vote base expanded beyond dominant castes during the Urs period, there has been a growing sense in the party in recent times, especially among younger leaders and following the rise of the BJP on the Hindutva plank in the 1990s, that the social justice plank alone will not help it win Assembly elections in the future.
There is a constant ideological struggle within the state Congress at present on whether the party should rely only on its tried-and-trusted vote base or attempt the Hindutva game played by the BJP, which has ruled the state twice since 2008.
Many of the older generation Congress leaders, who draw their support from the backward castes, Dalits, and minorities, believe the party will end up diluting its social justice and secular credentials if it were to dabble in Hindutva politics. At the same time, there is also a new generation of leaders who do not have any clear mass base among the socially backward who believe that mimicking the BJP will not hurt the Congress on account of the vote base the party has established starting in the 1980s.
Many Congress leaders believe that one of the underlying truths of the electoral math in Karnataka is that to win a clear majority of 113 in the 224-member Assembly, the party needs the support of at least one of the dominant communities: the Lingayats or the Vokkaligas who have drifted to the BJP.
Since 1999, the Congress has been the only one to win a clear majority in Karnataka (1999: 132 seats; 2013:122 seats, and 2023:135 seats). The BJP has come close (2008: 110 seats; 2018: 104) but has not won an outright majority. The last time a non-Congress party won a clear majority was in 1994, when the then united Janata Dal bagged 115 constituencies.
A lot of the politics in Karnataka in recent weeks has to be seen through the context of the Congress’s need to ensure that its traditional vote base does not drift towards the BJP and the dominant communities that tend to feel the pull of the BJP do not perceive it as being anti-Hindu or opposed to them in the long run.
Recent decisions by Chief Minister Siddaramaiah, 77 — fulfilling a long-pending wish of a section of Dalits for internal reservations, passing a Bill for the protection of the shepherd community to which the CM belongs, and the constant outreach towards Muslims — are all seen as part of the Congress’s efforts to retain its vote base.
On the other hand, the actions of Deputy CM and state Congress president D K Shivakumar, 63, to speak the Hindutva language are seen as efforts to say the Congress is not anti-Hindu as portrayed by the BJP during the Dharmasthala temple town imbroglio. Shivakumar has questioned people who sought an investigation into alleged murky events in Dharmasthala and last week sang the RSS anthem in the state legislature.
Siddaramaiah’s moves
Although a Karnataka Socio Economic and Educational Caste survey report of 2015 to establish the numbers and reservations for the backward castes in the state, Siddaramaiah had commissioned, was nixed by the Congress high command for being outdated (following the objections of some OBC groups), the CM enjoys widespread support among his own sizable Kuruba OBC group and Muslims.
On August 20, on the occasion of the 110th birth anniversary of Devaraj Urs, the Siddaramaiah Cabinet approved a long-pending demand for an internal reservation system for the 17% Dalits in the state. The Congress had promised to provide these internal quotas ahead of the 2023 state polls after Siddaramaiah hesitated in his first tenure from 2013 to 2018.
The following day, the legislature passed the Karnataka Traditional Migratory Shepherds (Welfare measures and protection against atrocities) Bill, 2025. It was part of an assurance the CM had given to the backward community of shepherds (Kurubas) to which he belongs.
Earlier this year, the government had also passed legislation to provide 4% reservation to Muslims in government contracts, with a value of up to Rs 2 crore.
Shivakumar’s signals
Shivakumar who has never been averse to displaying his faith and religiosity in public, with numerous visits to temples and religious leaders, has continued to display his religious streak in recent weeks.
The first instance was when he took cudgels for the administration of the Dharmasthala Temple in Dakshina Kannada district amid an investigation, ordered by the Congress government itself, into alleged secret burials and secondly by singing the RSS theme song in the legislature.
“The Dharmadhikari of Dharmasthala is doing yeoman service, we have no doubt about it. Someone has alleged crimes due to an internal feud. When many complaints have come, the home minister or the government can’t ignore them. We believe in the holiness of Dharmasthala more than you,” Shivakumar told the Assembly.
“A conspiracy has been hatched to destroy hundreds of years of legacy. It is not correct to tarnish someone just like that. It has all happened due to one complainant … Many members have spoken about this issue. I have told them that action must be taken against those who are misleading the investigation. The CM has also said action must be taken. Dharma must not be tarnished. Culprits must be punished,” he said.
On August 21, Home Minister G Parameshwara was responding to a discussion on the stampede at M Chinnaswamy stadium in June when BJP leader R Ashok reminded Shivakumar that he had once worn the RSS uniform. The Deputy CM then responded by reciting a few lines of “Namaste Sada Vatsale”, the Sangh anthem. This created a furore on social media.
This row came amid the Congress dilemma on following a soft-Hindutva policy. “While Rahul Gandhi makes no qualms about targeting RSS as an ideological opponent, some of our leaders are practising a softer version of Hindutva. This is a headache,” a minister said.
Shivakumar responded by stating, “My blood is Congress and my life is Congress .. I am given the responsibility of leading the party in the state and I firmly stand with the party.”
“There is no question of my joining hands directly or indirectly (with the BJP). I keep researching the BJP and JD(S) as a political leader. Similarly, I have researched the RSS too,” he said.
“I may have political differences, but as a political leader, it is important to understand who my friends and foes are. I have learnt about RSS history for the same reason. Any organisation will have some positives and we need to observe and study them,” Shivakumar said.
Given Shivakumar’s tussle with Siddaramaiah since 2023 for the CM’s post and efforts to become the CM by the end of the year, his singing of the Hindutva tune has been seen in some quarters as a hint to moving on from the Congress if he were continuously denied access to the top job.