In the kaleidoscopic world of Bihar politics, the formula of electoral success has long hinged on the art of alliance, on forming trusted pacts among parties whose individual strengths rarely suffice. The politics of the state has always been about gatbandhans, alliances, and those alliances demand not only strategic seat-sharing but deep internal compromises, trust among partners, and above all, the confidence of the people.
In this respect, the story of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Janata Dal (United) (JD(U)) in Bihar serves as a perfect case: at the Centre the BJP is the dominant force, but in Bihar it has willingly deferred to JD(U) leader Nitish Kumar, accepting his leadership of the alliance and repeatedly his incumbency as Chief Minister, in exchange for alliance stability and shared political ground.
At the same time, for the Indian National Congress, the stage has presented a more bittersweet script. Despite grand gestures such as the Voter Adhikar Yatra led by Rahul Gandhi, which drew together the INDIA bloc partners, the Congress’s ground presence in Bihar remains weak. In the 2020 Bihar assembly elections, the Congress managed to win only 19 seats despite contesting 70. Meanwhile, its alliance partner, Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD), achieved 75 seats, emerging as the largest single party. Even the left-wing ally Communist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist) Liberation (CPI(ML) L) won 12 out of 19 seats it contested.
Within this alliance arithmetic, the Congress’s bargaining was further hampered by local leadership upheavals and internal wrangling, while the Yadav family, led by Tejashwi Yadav, does not need to negotiate with local Congress leaders. In fact, the party announced the CM and deputy CM names only after the high command dispatched leaders like Ashok Gehlot and the Gandhi family signalled that acquiescence.
Thus, as Bihar drills into another election, the Congress finds itself the weakest link in the alliance, offering more to prop up coalition unity than it can claim for itself.
Pressure from Allies and Fear of Disunity
The road to this announcement was anything but smooth. For weeks, Congress had been caught in a tightening vice of pressure from the RJD and its smaller INDIA bloc allies, each warning that delay would only deepen the cracks within an already delicate coalition.
As murmurs of “friendly fights” over seat-sharing grew louder, the grand old party found itself branded the reluctant partner, risking the charge of sabotaging unity just as Bihar edged toward election season. The left partners, CPI(ML) Liberation and CPI, had already thrown their weight behind Tejashwi Yadav, declaring his projection as chief ministerial face essential for mounting a credible challenge to the NDA.
Then came the assertive push from the Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP). Mukesh Sahani, its canny leader, played his cards with precision, championing the Mallah, Nishad, and other EBC communities, together accounting for roughly 9% of Bihar’s electorate, according to the 2023 caste survey. His elevation as deputy chief ministerial face was not merely symbolic; it was a shrewd attempt to signal inclusion and extend the INDIA bloc’s social reach beyond the RJD-Congress core.
Strategic Necessity Amid NDA Ambiguity
The NDA’s own coyness in unequivocally naming Nitish Kumar as its CM candidate, despite repeated assurances of his leadership, handed the opposition a golden opportunity to seize the narrative of decisiveness.
BJP leaders like Amit Shah have hedged with phrases like “post-results decisions,” fueling speculation of post-poll power plays, while Nitish’s allies insist on his continuity but without a formal declaration.
By contrast, the Mahagathbandhan’s swift projection of Tejashwi, alongside a deputy CM pick, allows the bloc to claim the moral high ground: a clear vision against the ruling coalition’s perceived indecision.
This not only instils voter trust but fosters accountability; leaders now face direct scrutiny for their promises on jobs, education, and development. In a state weary of flip-flops, this move humanises the opposition’s struggle; Bihar’s people, burdened by migration and unemployment, deserve leaders who commit upfront. Clearly, Congress’s bend here was a calculated riposte, transforming vulnerability into a rallying cry for change.
Alliance Arithmetic and Ground Reality
At its core, this decision bows to Bihar’s unforgiving electoral math, where RJD’s robust vote share, bolstered by Tejashwi’s surging popularity among youth and backward communities, renders resistance futile.
With the party securing the single-largest tally in 2020 and maintaining strongholds among Yadavs and Muslims, sidelining Tejashwi risked Congress’s own marginalisation within the alliance, reducing it to a peripheral player in a state where it contests just 61 seats.
Initial Congress apprehensions centred on Yadav dominance alienating non-Yadav backward castes (BCs) and Scheduled Castes (SCs), fearing a backlash that could erode the Mahagathbandhan’s broad social base; surveys showed EBCs at 36% and SCs at 19%, groups pivotal to victory.
These concerns were assuaged through inclusive gestures like Sahani’s elevation and commitments to multi-caste representation, ensuring the coalition doesn’t fracture along caste lines. One feels for Congress’s bind, navigating Bihar’s hyper-caste arithmetic is a tightrope over communal divides, but the verdict is firm: embracing this reality keeps the bloc electorally viable, prioritising collective strength over solo ambitions.
Pragmatism over Prestige
Ultimately, Congress’s acquiescence transcends ideology, rooted instead in cold pragmatism: conceding the CM mantle to Tejashwi safeguards alliance stability and crafts a sharper anti-NDA pitch, valuing winnability above ego.
In Bihar, where the opposition has teetered on the edge of irrelevance, this tactical retreat, blessed by Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge, avoids the pitfalls of 2020’s near-miss, when indecision cost momentum. It acknowledges Tejashwi’s proven draw, from his 2020 campaign that nearly toppled the NDA to his current focus on youth employment, while allowing Congress to retain influence through joint manifestos and campaigns.
This isn’t defeatism but survival; the party’s national stature demands it prioritise Bihar’s liberation from 20 years of NDA rule over internal prestige. Empathising with the humility required, the stance remains resolute: in politics as in life, bending to forge ahead often yields the greater good, positioning the Mahagathbandhan to deliver the accountable governance Bihar desperately needs.
(Ghosh teaches journalism at St Xavier’s College, Kolkata, and is an author)
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