In Neuri Tola, a Yadav-dominated village in the Gaura Bauram constituency of Darbhanga, the road leading to the colony of Mallahs – a fishing community belonging to the Extremely Backward Classes (EBCs) – is flooded after a spell of rain. One must wade through ankle-deep water to reach it. Three young men scroll through Instagram reels in a courtyard as elderly men discuss politics.
Most say they will vote for the RJD.
“This time, people want change. While Nitish Kumar is not bad, the government has failed to create jobs. Look at the condition of the village. And for all his EBC politics, what have we got from Nitish Kumar?” says Vikas Sahani, 25.
Jawahar Sahani, 60, who had been listening, smiles before interjecting: “None of that is relevant. The road, the power we use – all are Nitish’s gifts. We are voting for the RJD because of Mukesh Sahani, who belongs to our caste and who will be Deputy Chief Minister if the RJD wins.”
Mukesh Sahani, who hails from Darbhanga, heads the Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP), an ally of the Mahagathbandhan combine. Calling himself the “Son of Mallah”, he has championed the cause of the Nishad (Mallah) caste cluster, projecting himself as the voice of the boatmen and fishermen communities of north Bihar’s riverine belts.
Mukesh Sahani’s brother Santosh Sahani is the candidate from Gaura Bauram.
As this reporter prepares to leave, Surender Sahani, a 35-year-old farmer, runs up from behind. “I couldn’t say this in front of everyone, but not all Mallahs will vote for Sahani. At least I am voting for the NDA,” he says, lowering his voice.
Around 300 km away, at Malahi Tola on the banks of the Gandak river in West Champaran’s Bagaha, a similar churn is visible. “When everyone is looking at caste, why shouldn’t we?” says Rajesh Sahani, 37. “We were not voting for Sahani, but after he was declared Deputy CM, we decided to.”
Yet, 5 km away, at Bagaha Bazaar, vegetable sellers from the Turaha sub-caste – part of the wider Nishad community – are not impressed. “Mukesh Sahani is not a factor here,” says Raju Sah, a vegetable vendor, declaring his support for Narendra Modi.
Vikki Kumar, another Turaha vegetable seller, hasn’t even heard of Sahani. “Champaran Turahas vote for the BJP.”
These conversations reveal the limits of the Mahagathbandhan’s gamble on Sahani. With an eye on EBC votes – which have largely shifted to the NDA over the past two decades – the RJD has not only given 18 seats to the VIP but also declared Sahani as the Mahagathbandhan’s Deputy CM face. Given the VIP’s limited electoral heft, and the fact that the Mallahs within Nishads make up just 2.6% of the population, many see this as an oversized concession.
The arithmetic behind the gamble
Still, the RJD’s move has its logic. According to Bihar’s 2023 caste survey, the Nishad community makes up about 9.6% of the state’s population. It includes several sub-castes – Mallah, Bind, Manjhi, Kewat and Turha – all categorized as EBCs. The community remains economically weak and historically marginalised.
The RJD already commands the Yadav-Muslim base (roughly 32% of the population) but has stayed out of power for two decades for want of an additional 7–8% votes. Nishad support could bridge that gap.
Across the Darbhanga, Madhubani, Gopalganj, Muzaffarpur, East and West Champaran, and Siwan districts, visited by this reporter – particularly wherever the VIP has a functioning organisation – Mallahs do show signs of shifting from the NDA towards the RJD.
At Rewa village on the banks of the Budhi Gandak in Muzaffarpur, Ram Iqbal Sahani, a self-described BJP voter, says, “Under Nitish Kumar, everything is better than before. But if Sahani becomes Deputy CM, he might do something for our community. Most Mallahs are poor.”
Lallan Sahani, 35, who works in Delhi, agrees. “Earlier we voted for the BJP, but now Sahani is on the other side, so we’re with him. Whether he becomes Deputy CM or not doesn’t matter. He helps people from our community with his own money.”
Sahani’s burden
But other sub-castes within the Nishad cluster display far less enthusiasm.
Shyam Babu Sah, a Turaha fish seller in Siwan, says: “Nitish has given us roads, power, and peace… Has Mukesh Sahani ever visited our villages? His partymen don’t keep in touch.”
His frustration points to a key gap – the VIP’s weak grassroots network. Outside the Darbhanga-Muzaffarpur belt, many Nishad voters say they have never met a single party worker.
In Jainagar village in Bettiah’s Nautan constituency, Mallahs are upset with the local BJP MLA for being inaccessible. Yet, most have turned to the Jan Suraaj, which has fielded a candidate whose mother is from their community.
“Caste may be a pull, but Sahani is not the only answer,” says Pramod Kumar, 30, a Mallah farmer. “The Jan Suraaj candidate is also from our caste, so we’ll vote for him to defeat the BJP MLA here. Sahani is from Darbhanga – what will he do for us here? I have never met any leader of his party.”
Others say the VIP carries the shadow of the RJD’s past.
“This is a diyara (riverine belt). It saw the worst of crimes during Lalu’s time. Every day, two bodies would be found somewhere,” recalls an elderly Mallah from Jainagar village.
At Poor House village in Bagaha, Nand Kishore Chaudhary, a Mallah teacher, feels Sahani erred by leaving the NDA. “Jai Shri Ram kehte hue aage badhte rehte (He should have chanted Jai Shri Ram and kept marching ahead). But he is in a hurry. Tejashwi has humiliated him by making him grovel for those 18 seats. I’m voting for the Congress because of the candidate, but many will go with the BJP,” he says.
Ten kilometers away, at Pakargaon, the Bind community has put its lot with the NDA.
Sahani’s journey
A Bollywood set decorator from Darbhanga, Mukesh Sahani formed the VIP in 2018, though he had been politically active since 2013.
His party’s electoral record has been modest. In the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, the VIP, then allied with the Mahagathbandhan, unsuccessfully contested Muzaffarpur, Khagaria and Madhubani. Sahani himself lost to the Lok Janshakti Party’s Mehboob Ali Kaisar in Khagaria by 2.5 lakh votes, securing 27% of the votes – roughly the same as when the RJD fought there on its own in 2014.
In 2020, allied with the BJP, the VIP contested 11 seats and won four. One MLA later died, and the others joined the BJP.
For now, the “Son of Mallah” seems to be steering the Mahagathbandhan’s hopes across the north Bihar river belt — though the tide, like the Gandak’s waters, remains uncertain.