From demanding a Bharat Ratna for Lalu Prasad for his contribution to social justice, to organising special outreach events for the Teli community and invoking EBC icon Karpoori Thakur, the RJD has gone the extra mile over the past year to lay claim to non-Yadav OBC and EBC voters.
Apart from making jobs its central plank, the party under Tejashwi Yadav hoped that this would broaden its appeal beyond its Yadav-Muslim vote base. The RJD also aligned closely with the Congress, and its demand for a caste census, and stitched up alliances this time with smaller caste-based outfits such as Mukesh Sahani’s Vikassheel Insaan Party (VIP), representing the Nishads, and I P Singh of the Taanti and Paan Samaj.
Yet, as the 2025 Bihar Assembly elections draw to a close, the RJD’s attempt to expand its social base seems still a work in progress. Across Champaran, Mithilanchal, Shahabad and Seemanchal – where The Indian Express travelled – major non-Yadav OBC and EBC castes such as Koeri-Kushwahas, Nonias, Telis and Nishads appear reluctant to repose complete faith in the Mahagathbandhan.
Story continues below this ad
In Shahabad, the alliance had done well in the 2020 Assembly polls and 2024 Lok Sabha elections.
A mix of factors holds the non-Yadav backward classes back: the enduring fear of Lalu’s “jungle raj”, the dominance of Yadavs in rural socio-economics, the mitigation of resentment against JD(U) supremo Nitish Kumar by his welfare schemes, the Opposition’s inability to project a credible alternative, and the overarching appeal of Prime Minister Narendra Modi across caste groups.
Story continues below this ad
At Nautan Bazar in West Champaran, Krishna Prasad, a paan seller from the Vaishya community (OBC), says he is “tired” of Nitish Kumar’s politics. He accuses Nitish of “forgetting about development” after 2010 and of ushering in “afsarsahi (bureaucratic rule)” which has led to “uncontrolled local corruption”, and criticises him for political U-turns. So, will he vote for changing the government?
“Achcha… nahar par motorcycle aa, ghadi chhinwa leen (So you are suggesting that I get myself robbed on my way back home)!” Prasad says sarcastically. “No party gives me anything, but at least I earn peacefully now.”
In Jainagar village nearby, Kushwaha farmers who dislike the local BJP MLA say they will vote for the Jan Suraaj – not the Mahagathbandhan. “We have seen Lalu Raj. Nobody could leave home after sunset,” says Nirmal Verma.
Story continues below this ad
Others list Nitish’s welfare measures – “free power, pension, Rs 10,000 for women” – as reason enough to stick with the NDA.
Ramesh Mandal, a resident of Shambhuganj in Banka and Panchapania (EBC) by caste, says: “We are comfortable with Nitish. Even if he has not given jobs to many, there is still peace. There is no feeling of dominance of Yadavs now.”
Keshav Mehta, a Kushwaha farmer from Munger, is a BJP voter and continues to repose his faith in the party since its leader and Deputy CM Samrat Choudhary is from his district. “There had been some attraction for Tejashwi in the 2020 polls because of his 10 lakh jobs promise. But this time, some Kushwahas will vote for the RJD only where it has fielded Kushwaha candidates,” Mehta says.
Story continues below this ad
A Kushwaha family in Basudeva village (Express photo)
In Gopalganj’s Bhorey, Shivshankar Chauhan criticises prohibition, his son complains of joblessness – but neither is voting for the RJD. Both say they can’t trust Tejashwi. “It was under his father’s rule that all jobs disappeared in Bihar.”
In Siwan’s Gopalpur, shopkeeper Amarnath Bhagat dismisses Nitish’s age concerns: “If he’s doing good work, he can stay for 50 more years.”
At Motihari’s Chiraiya, a conversation between a Yadav mechanic and his Teli friend sums up the RJD’s challenge. “When the RJD wins, you Yadavs start asserting yourselves. Ahead of elections, too, you guys get so excited that others consolidate against you,” says the latter.
Story continues below this ad
Basudeva village (Express photo)
The sentiment is the same in South Bihar, where the RJD has done well in the past. Sanjay Kumar, an Arwal resident who makes a living selling coconuts in Patna, says: “Lalu ji mein koi problem nahin hai. Unke Yadav ji se hai. Hara gamchha ka raaj nahin chahiye (We have no issues with Lalu Prasad. We have with his Yadavs. We don’t want the rule of the green gamchha).” The reference is to the RJD’s party colours.
According to the 2022-23 caste survey, EBCs make up 36% of Bihar’s population. Koeri-Kushwahas (4.2%) form the largest OBC bloc after Yadavs (14%), followed by Kurmis (2.8%), Banias (2.3%) and Nonias (1.9%). Among EBCs, Telis (2.8%) and Mallahs (2.6%) are the biggest groups.
In its list of 142 candidates, the RJD has fielded 75 OBCs, of whom 51 are Yadavs. EBCs number 11, while 13 tickets have gone to Kushwahas. Through allies like the VIP and Singh’s Indian Inclusive Party, the RJD has drawn some EBC traction, but both remain limited to their sub-castes.
Story continues below this ad
However, there are some glimmers of hope for the RJD.
Bechan Bhagat, who runs a small provision store near Ramgarh town of Kaimur, says: “We have long seen the rule of Jagda Babu’s (RJD leader Jagdanand Singh’s) family here. It ensured safety and security, so we are RJD voters… We think locally and not who is ruling at the top.”
A significant number of Ravidasi Dalit and Musahar voters also back the Mahagathbandhan. “Lalu gave us a voice, even land,” says Prem Kumar, a Musahar in West Champaran. Mohan Ram, a Dalit from Jainagar village in Nautan, brushes aside “jungle raj” fears, saying: “It is not necessary that a dacoit’s son will also be a dacoit.”
The yearning for change in Bihar is real. Yet, it sits uneasily with the choices on offer. “I want a change in leadership, but within the NDA,” says Sanjay Mishra, a migrant from Chhapra.