A resident of the Muslim-dominated Lehtora village in Bihar’s Araria, Sanjeeda Alam, was among women beneficiaries who got Rs 10,000 in their accounts transferred by the Nitish Kumar-led NDA government under the Mukhyamantri Mahila Rozgar Yojana (MMRY) just before the announcement of the Assembly elections. But she has decided to support “Haath-chhaap” or the Congress party’s hand symbol.
Unimpressed with the Nitish government’s sops for women on the eve of polls, she claims that she was told at a recent meeting in her village by a purported government representative that Rs 50 interest would be charged on the Rs 10,000 aid every 10 months. Standing beside Sanjeeda in front of their small pucca house, where children play around, Saiyad Alam, her husband, claims that the handout was “not a gift for women but a loan”. Alam says Tejashwi Yadav should become the chief minister, adding that his wife recognises Lalu Prasad above all. Sanjeeda then says she also recognises Rahul Gandhi who, she adds, once came to the village.
In the nearby Forbesganj constituency, Manikpur Bara village is mainly inhabited by EBCs and Mahadalits. Its resident Champa Devi, who belongs to the Rishidev (Musahar) caste, and her family are supporting the “Phool-chhaap” (the BJP’s symbol). Devi explains, “Jo humko kuchh dega, usee ko vote denge. Modi ji bahut diye hain. Aur kisi ko vote nahin denge (We will vote for the one who provides us something. Modi ji has given us a lot. We will not vote for anyone else).” Asked who should be the CM, her reply is prompt: “Nitish Kumar”.
Amid the war of narratives for the Bihar polls, the Seemanchal region, which has the highest Muslim population in the entire state, shows how the Nitish government’s welfare schemes and women outreach is perceived in different ways on the ground. The region has 24 seats across four districts — Purnia, Araria, Katihar and Kishanganj — which are scheduled for voting in the second phase on November 11.
Seemanchal is demographically conducive for the RJD-led Mahagathbandhan with the Congress as a key constituent, given that the population of its core “M-Y” (Muslim, Yadav) base is higher here. The highest concentration of Muslims in the region is in Kishanganj at 67.89%, followed by Katihar at 44.47%, Araria at 42.95%, and Purnia at 38.46%.
However, the NDA seems to have made inroads among non-Yadav Hindus across the castes, from upper castes to Musahars (Scheduled Caste), thus making the contest in the region a keen tussle.
Muslim divergence
While Muslims largely back the RJD-Congress in the region, they have even experimented with players like Asaduddin Owaisi’s AIMIM in some seats where their population is very large. In 2020, the AIMIM had won five seats here, reducing the Mahagathbandhan to seven, while the NDA had won 12 seats. Unlike the previous polls, when it fielded most of its 20 candidates from Seemanchal, the AIMIM is contesting 25 seats across the state this time, including 11 from the region.
In the Araria seat, where Muslims account for about half the electorate, they seem to have rallied round the Mahagathbandhan. Here, Congress candidate Abidur Rehman is pitted against the JD(U)’s Shagufta Azim and the AIMIM’s Mohammad Manzur Alam. “Owaisi is an educated man, but he can’t win Bihar. So, we are with the RJD and Congress,” says Mohammad Sulaiman, a shopkeeper.
However, in the neighbouring Jokihat constituency, where Muslim voters are estimated to be about 70%, they seem to be split between the Congress, AIMIM and Prashant Kishor’s Jan Suraaj. Here, two sons of a local politician, late Tasleemuddin, are taking on each other – incumbent MLA Shahnawaz Alam from the RJD, and Sarfaraz Alam from the Jan Suraaj. In the multi-cornered contest, the JD (U) and the AIMIM have fielded Manzar Alam and Mushid Alam respectively.
In a Jokihat market shop, several local Muslims engage in a spirited discussion about their voting preferences. “Among Tasleemuddin’s sons, Sarfaraz is the most helpful for people here. I will vote for him. Don’t be surprised if Jan Suraaj bags this seat,” says Mohammad Noman. An RJD supporter then quips, “Don’t be surprised if they divide the Muslim votes, and the JD (U) scrapes through.” A young man joins in, saying Owaisi is a “very capable person”, and that he had first made Shahnawaz Alam MLA from here in 2020. “This time, he will ensure his candidate Murshid Alam is elected,” he adds.
In 2020, Shahnawaz had won this seat on the AIMIM’s ticket, defeating his brother Sarfaraz, who was then the RJD’s nominee, but he joined the group of four AIMIM MLAs who defected to the RJD soon afterwards.
Development, ‘infiltration’
A travel across Muslim hamlets in Seemanchal shows different views of development, although every community calls for it. While several Hindu voters, mainly those from OBCs and Dalits, see the NDA as the one that delivers it, several Muslims either contest or downplay it.
Mohammad Sulaiman says Nitish has done “quite a bit of work and is secular too”, but adds that he still prefers the RJD. He believes development is the aim of governance. Inam-ul-Haq, who runs a madrasa in Lehtora village, says jobs and development are important, and appreciates Nitish as the CM. He, however, says the RJD-Congress combine is his choice.
Some contentious issues like the SIR and the BJP’s “infiltration” campaign are not discussed here unless they are raised. Inam-ul-Haq says the SIR was not a problem, as it was only about filling a form. Saiyad Alam says he did not face any problem, but had heard some names were deleted, “which is not good”.
When asked whether Muslims would still split their votes in Jokihat even as the BJP leaders were raking up the “infiltration” issue, Mohammand Noman says, “We do not get swayed by what someone says. We vote for the candidate we like.”
In Manikpur Bara village dominated by EBCs and Musahars, when asked whether there was illegal immigration, people said they had not seen it. When referred to the BJP pitch, a Musahar says, “Wo to hoga hi. Bahut suna hai (It must be so. I have heard a lot about it).”